History Assignment代寫范文-英國和法國的工業(yè)化經(jīng)驗。本文是一篇由本站代寫服務(wù)提供的留學(xué)生歷史學(xué)assignment代寫范文,主要內(nèi)容是講述英國和法國在1700年可以相提并論,都建立了商業(yè)、貿(mào)易和手工業(yè)。然而,工業(yè)只占經(jīng)濟活動的一小部分,農(nóng)業(yè)是主導(dǎo)部門。到1900年,由于各國工業(yè)化進程的性質(zhì),英國和法國之間出現(xiàn)了明顯的差異。本篇assignment指出工業(yè)化可以粗略地定義為第二產(chǎn)業(yè)的擴張,包括制造業(yè)和加工業(yè)。隨著英國和法國的工業(yè)化,兩國都經(jīng)歷了人口增長、交通方式的變化和重大政治事件,所有這些都影響了其經(jīng)濟增長的程度。下面就一起來看一下這篇History Assignment代寫范文的具體內(nèi)容。
Great Britain and France were comparable in 1700, both had established commerce, trade and a handicraft industry. Industry however accounted for a small amount of economic activity, with agriculture being the dominating sector. By 1900, there were noticeable differences between Britain and France, due to the nature of each nation’s process of industrialisation. Industrialisation can loosely be defined as the expansion of the secondary sector, which comprises of manufacturing and processing. As both Britain and France industrialised, each experienced population growth, changing transport methods and significant political events, all of which influenced the extent of their economic growth.
Agriculture in England was becoming increasingly market based towards the end of the 17th century, as a result agriculture became innovative, benefiting from economies of scale. The pursuit of increasing agricultural productivity and trade was supported by the British aristocrats and landowners, a characteristic that was less common in France and continental Europe at the time. There were a number of major technological innovations such as the improved land draining techniques and the addition of two fodder crops. Mathius (2001) highlights that from 1750, technological progress of agriculture was stimulated by increasing demand for food and different practices introduced from enclosure. Perhaps the most significant force that distinguished Britain’s so-called “agricultural revolution” was a parliamentary enclosure movement. The political-economic system in England shifted from consisting of feudalism to a market system. Under feudalism people were bound to land and their lord. Montoux (1962) states that although conditions were poor for labourers, the English labourer was better fed, housed and dressed than any other in Europe. O’ Brien (1998) summarised the contrast in France as small plots of land controlled by large numbers of peasants At the end of the 17th century, France had considerably more farmers producing at a subsistence level, leading to high levels of underemployment.
17世紀末,英格蘭的農(nóng)業(yè)越來越以市場為基礎(chǔ),因此農(nóng)業(yè)變得創(chuàng)新,受益于規(guī)模經(jīng)濟。英國貴族和土地所有者支持提高農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)力和貿(mào)易,這在當時的法國和歐洲大陸并不常見。有一些重大的技術(shù)創(chuàng)新,如改進了土地排水技術(shù)和增加了兩種飼料作物。Mathius強調(diào),從1750年起,對糧食的需求增加和圈地引入的不同做法刺激了農(nóng)業(yè)的技術(shù)進步。本篇assignment認為也許英國所謂的“農(nóng)業(yè)革命”最重要的力量是議會圈地運動。英國的政治經(jīng)濟體制從封建主義向市場體制轉(zhuǎn)變。在封建制度下,人們被束縛在土地和他們的領(lǐng)主身上。Montoux指出,盡管工人的條件很差,但英國工人的飲食、住房和穿著都比歐洲任何其他工人都好。O’Brien將法國的對比總結(jié)為由大量農(nóng)民控制的小塊土地。17世紀末,法國有相當多的農(nóng)民以維持生計的水平生產(chǎn),導(dǎo)致了高水平的就業(yè)不足。
Allen (2004) states that at the start of the 19th century, agricultural labour productivity was one third higher in England than France. Importantly the productivity gains in agriculture freed labour from agriculture to join the industrial workforce.
Allen指出,在19世紀初,英國的農(nóng)業(yè)勞動生產(chǎn)率比法國高出三分之一。重要的是,農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)力的提高使勞動力從農(nóng)業(yè)中解放出來,加入工業(yè)勞動力隊伍。
Both Britain and France had established commerce, trade and a handicraft industry. During the 18th century there was a surge in technological innovations, aiming to labour-save and efficiency. These inventions were complementary between sectors, such as the steam engine being applied to stationary applications and transport applications. The centre of the technological surge was England, with a good environment for entrepreneurs to take risks and work hard (Bruland, 2004). Jacquard’s loom was a notable French innovation that was used in textile manufacturing, other French innovations benefited industries such as the steel and aluminium (Cameron and Neal, 2003). France was Britain’s greatest threat to being the world’s leading economy. France being the larger country both geographically and in terms of population size. However, Price (1990) compares Britain and France in 1780, stating it was clear Britain was leading industrial nation, having 20,000 working mills compared with 900 working mills in France.
英國和法國都建立了商業(yè)、貿(mào)易和手工業(yè)。在18世紀,旨在節(jié)省勞動力和提高效率的技術(shù)創(chuàng)新激增。這些發(fā)明在各個領(lǐng)域之間是互補的,例如應(yīng)用于固定應(yīng)用和運輸應(yīng)用的蒸汽機。技術(shù)激增的中心是英格蘭,那里有一個良好的環(huán)境,企業(yè)家可以冒險并努力工作。Jacquard織機是法國一項引人注目的創(chuàng)新,用于紡織制造業(yè),其他法國創(chuàng)新使鋼鐵和鋁等行業(yè)受益。本篇assignment提出法國是英國成為世界領(lǐng)先經(jīng)濟體的最大威脅。法國在地理位置和人口規(guī)模上都是較大的國家。然而,Price在1780年將英國和法國進行了比較,指出英國顯然是領(lǐng)先的工業(yè)國家,擁有20000個工廠,而法國有900個工廠。
Barker (1990) cites Britain’s utilisation of natural advantages such as waterways as a reason why it became the first industrial nation. Goods were easy to transport due to it being a narrow island and containing many rivers. Smith (1981, p33) recognised the importance of water transport: “As by means of water-carriage, a more extensive market is opened to every sort of industry than what land-carriage alone can afford”. France had a large network of roman roads, which had been well maintained. Britain in comparison had a poor network of roads, many of which had fallen into decay. However the condition of roads in Britain improved during 1750-1790, particularly those linking emerging cities. The growth of transport played a large role in economic development, connecting demand and supply, promoting allocative efficiency and increasing competition.
本篇assignment認為英國利用水道等自然優(yōu)勢作為其成為第一個工業(yè)國家的原因。貨物運輸很容易,因為它是一個狹窄的島嶼,包含許多河流。Smith認識到了水上運輸?shù)闹匾裕骸巴ㄟ^水上運輸,向各種行業(yè)開放了一個比陸地運輸更廣泛的市場”。法國有一個龐大的羅馬公路網(wǎng),這些公路得到了很好的維護。相比之下,英國的道路網(wǎng)絡(luò)較差,其中許多已經(jīng)破敗不堪。然而,1750-1790年間,英國的道路狀況有所改善,尤其是連接新興城市的道路。交通運輸?shù)脑鲩L在經(jīng)濟發(fā)展、連接需求和供應(yīng)、提高配置效率和增加競爭中發(fā)揮了重要作用。
Coal had become the most in demand fuel in Britain in the 18th century, this was due to not only the demand from growing industry but also because of the shortage of an alternative fuel, wood. Wood became short in supply in Britain, however at the time in France the problem was less serious. French coal resources were discovered in inconvenient locations often far from cities or waterways leading to areas of importance. This meant transport costs were quite high for coal in France. Despite setbacks coal production in France grew from 1,772,800 tons in 1828 to 5,153,000 tons in 1847. Pig iron production grew much faster in Britain, production increasing to 1,600,000 tons between 1828 and 1847. French production of pig iron only grew 300,000 tons in the same period. After the Napoleonic Wars, which ended in 1815, causing national bankruptcy, France lacked skilled labour and capital. This meant France had to import and become dependent on expertise and capital from Britain, however they faced competition from Belgium. Belgium managed to acquire more British expertise and capital than France, mostly due to Belgium enjoying a better political and trading relationship with Britain.
在18世紀,煤炭已成為英國需求量最大的燃料,這不僅是因為不斷增長的工業(yè)的需求,還因為替代燃料木材的短缺。英國的木材供應(yīng)短缺,但當時法國的問題沒有那么嚴重。法國的煤炭資源是在不方便的地方發(fā)現(xiàn)的,通常遠離通往重要地區(qū)的城市或水道。這意味著法國的煤炭運輸成本相當高。盡管遭遇挫折,法國的煤炭產(chǎn)量仍從1828年的1772800噸增長到1847年的5153000噸。英國的生鐵產(chǎn)量增長更快,1828年至1847年間產(chǎn)量增加到160萬噸。同期,法國的生鐵產(chǎn)量僅增長了30萬噸。拿破侖戰(zhàn)爭于1815年結(jié)束,導(dǎo)致國家破產(chǎn),法國缺乏熟練的勞動力和資本。本篇assignment認為這意味著法國不得不進口并依賴英國的專業(yè)知識和資本,但他們面臨著來自比利時的競爭。比利時設(shè)法獲得了比法國更多的英國專業(yè)知識和資本,這主要是因為比利時與英國有著更好的政治和貿(mào)易關(guān)系。
The first intercity railway was developed in Britain in 1830, connecting Manchester and Liverpool. Railways provided fastest distribution of goods. Britain, by 1850, had 10,500km of railway line open while France only had 3,000km open. Political troubles during 1848-52 prevented French railways expanding. In 1870, a change in railway policy in both France and the newly unified Germany meant both countries rail networks became connected, promoting trade. Before the introduction of a rail network, France lacked a reliable form of transport, this resulted in price fluctuations and uncertainty (Price, 1975). A growing rail network benefited the French economy and society, as rural communities were no longer isolated. It had great impact on the coal industry, as it removed the high transport costs that were incurred before. By 1874, coal production reached 15,400,000 tons and by 1914 production was 39,900,000 tons. Price (1975) argues that the introduction of railway in France stimulated its coal production as well as the economy in general. The large increase in the production and use of coal in the latter stages of the 19th century marked the turning point for the French economy.
英國于1830年開發(fā)了第一條城際鐵路,連接曼徹斯特和利物浦。鐵路提供了最快的貨物配送。到1850年,英國開通了10500公里的鐵路線,而法國只開通了3000公里。1848-52年間的政治問題阻礙了法國鐵路的擴張。1870年,法國和新統(tǒng)一的德國的鐵路政策發(fā)生了變化,這意味著兩國的鐵路網(wǎng)相互連接,促進了貿(mào)易。在引入鐵路網(wǎng)之前,法國缺乏可靠的運輸方式,這導(dǎo)致了價格波動和不確定性。本篇assignment指出隨著農(nóng)村社區(qū)不再孤立,不斷增長的鐵路網(wǎng)使法國經(jīng)濟和社會受益。它消除了以前產(chǎn)生的高昂運輸成本,對煤炭行業(yè)產(chǎn)生了巨大影響。到1874年,煤炭產(chǎn)量達到1540萬噸,到1914年產(chǎn)量為3990萬噸。Price認為,法國鐵路的引入刺激了其煤炭生產(chǎn)和整體經(jīng)濟。19世紀后期煤炭產(chǎn)量和使用量的大幅增長標志著法國經(jīng)濟的轉(zhuǎn)折點。
A characteristic that Britain and France shared at the end of the 17th century and the centuries preceding were that population was static. However during the 18th and 19th centuries, there was a dramatic increase in population size. The benefit of a growing population is an increase in the supply of labour and, from the producer’s view, consumers. Britain and France experienced large population growth, but the growth was much larger and faster in Britain. In 1801, France could boast larger towns than Britain. Paris, Marseilles and Lyon each were containing a population size greater than 100,000. During 1801-51, Britain experienced rapid population growth in urban areas. In a single decade, 1821-31, Leeds, Sheffield, Birmingham, Manchester and Liverpool all experienced a population increase of at least 40%. The increasing numbers of people in these British cities was not just from higher birth rates but also from rural-urban migration. France’s low levels of economic growth can be attributed to its slow population growth and the slow growth of its towns.
英國和法國在17世紀末及其前幾個世紀的一個共同特點是人口是停滯的。然而,在18世紀和19世紀,人口規(guī)模急劇增加。人口增長的好處是勞動力供應(yīng)的增加,從生產(chǎn)者的角度來看,也是消費者的增加。英國和法國經(jīng)歷了大規(guī)模的人口增長,但英國的人口增長要大得多、快得多。1801年,法國可以擁有比英國更大的城鎮(zhèn)。巴黎、馬賽和里昂的人口規(guī)模均超過10萬。1801-51年間,英國城市地區(qū)的人口快速增長。在1821-31年的十年里,利茲、謝菲爾德、伯明翰、曼徹斯特和利物浦的人口都增長了至少40%。這些英國城市中人口數(shù)量的增加不僅源于較高的出生率,還源于農(nóng)村向城市的移民。法國經(jīng)濟增長水平低可歸因于其人口增長緩慢和城鎮(zhèn)增長緩慢。
Rural-urban migration is the movement of labour from rural areas into urban areas. Labour was free to move without any implications as productivity in agriculture had increased. Clapham (1968, p232) describes rural-urban migration in France during the 18th and 19th centuries as “l(fā)eisurely”. In 1801, one in fifteen lived in towns in France, by the year 1851 this had only increased to one in ten. The movement of labour from rural areas to towns and cities, assisted the progress of British industry. In France a large amount of the population remained on the land. In1840, 28.6% of the male labour force was employed in agriculture in Britain (Crafts, 1983). The corresponding proportion in France was 66% (Price, 1975). By 1913, France had the largest proportion of labour employed in agriculture among the industrialised nations around 40% (Cameron and Neal, 2003).
農(nóng)村-城市移徙是勞動力從農(nóng)村地區(qū)向城市地區(qū)的流動。隨著農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)力的提高,勞動力可以自由流動,不會產(chǎn)生任何影響。Clapham將18世紀和19世紀法國的農(nóng)村到城市的移民描述為“悠閑”。1801年,每15人中就有一人居住在法國的城鎮(zhèn),到1851年,這一比例僅增加到十分之一。勞動力從農(nóng)村地區(qū)轉(zhuǎn)移到城鎮(zhèn),有助于英國工業(yè)的發(fā)展。在法國,大量人口仍留在土地上。1840年,英國28.6%的男性勞動力受雇于農(nóng)業(yè)。法國的相應(yīng)比例為66%。到1913年,在工業(yè)化國家中,法國農(nóng)業(yè)勞動力就業(yè)比例最高,約為40%。
In 1789, the French Revolution took place, which had a large impact on the economy. From the revolution, a stronger and efficient central government emerged, which Price (1975, p166) describes as the “professionalisation of bureaucracy”. However the revolution offered no change to the economic structure of France. Agriculture was the dominant sector prior to the revolution and after its position was strengthened, as the legal position of the peasant was strengthened. This ultimately prevented an enclosure movement on the same scale as Britain’s taking place.
1789年,法國大革命爆發(fā),對經(jīng)濟產(chǎn)生了巨大影響。從革命中,出現(xiàn)了一個更強大、更有效率的中央政府,普萊斯將其描述為“官僚主義的專業(yè)化”。然而,這場革命并沒有改變法國的經(jīng)濟結(jié)構(gòu)。農(nóng)業(yè)在革命前和革命后都是主導(dǎo)部門,因為農(nóng)民的法律地位得到了加強。這最終阻止了與英國同樣規(guī)模的圈地運動的發(fā)生。
From 1790-1815, France spearheaded the Napoleonic Wars, fighting against many of its neighbours including Britain. Towards the end of the wars, France itself became a battleground. The wars meant France’s economic growth suffered, with Floud and Johnson (2004, p457) referring to them as a “thirty-year hiatus in French economic growth”. The wars were not only a drain on the French labour force, which could have potentially been producing output. The Wars were also on resources such as raw materials. The wars increased the cost of transport. During the wars, roads were deteriorating as a result of more use, because of the British blockade in the surrounding waters. The Napoleonic wars had a less notable effect on Britain, partly because it left most of the fighting to its continental allies. Britain’s trade and growth expanded during the years 1790-1815. Maddison (1982) estimates that in 1820, gross domestic product per head in Britain was 50% higher than France.
從1790-1815年,法國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)了拿破侖戰(zhàn)爭,與包括英國在內(nèi)的許多鄰國作戰(zhàn)。戰(zhàn)爭快結(jié)束時,法國本身就成了戰(zhàn)場。這些戰(zhàn)爭意味著法國的經(jīng)濟增長受到影響,F(xiàn)loud和Johnson將其稱為“法國經(jīng)濟增長的三十年中斷”。戰(zhàn)爭不僅消耗了法國勞動力,而法國勞動力本來有可能產(chǎn)生產(chǎn)出。戰(zhàn)爭還涉及原材料等資源。戰(zhàn)爭增加了運輸成本。戰(zhàn)爭期間,由于英國對周圍水域的封鎖,道路因使用增多而惡化。拿破侖戰(zhàn)爭對英國的影響不那么顯著,部分原因是英國將大部分戰(zhàn)斗留給了其大陸盟友。1790-1815年間,英國的貿(mào)易和經(jīng)濟增長都有所增長。Maddison估計,1820年,英國的人均國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值比法國高出50%。
Both nations’ governments encouraged the growth of industry, however there was considerable difference in the size of the role played. Malthius (2001, p4) describes Britain’s industrialisation as “spontaneous” and “not being the result of conscious government policy sponsoring industrial progress”. The French government was supportive in adopting British techniques and capital to strengthen its economy after the Napoleonic Wars, such as the use of steam engine. It took a direct role in attempting to encourage the importation of foreign capital and also expertise. Both countries had established mercantilist doctrines in the 17th century. Rich et al (1977, p573) describes the mercantilist ambition as to “increase the wealth of their states at the expense of other states”. Both countries had similar protectionist policies, such as tariffs on importation, in their mercantilist doctrines. However, a key difference was that France had strict regulation on the quality of goods produced by its industry (Hansen, 2002). Britain’s mercantilist centrepiece was the Navigation Acts of 1651, with the aim of establishing a merchant fleet that could in turn be used by the navy for war.
兩國政府都鼓勵工業(yè)的發(fā)展,但在所起作用的規(guī)模上存在相當大的差異。Malthius將英國的工業(yè)化描述為“自發(fā)的”,“不是有意識的政府政策支持工業(yè)進步的結(jié)果”。拿破侖戰(zhàn)爭后,法國政府支持采用英國的技術(shù)和資本來加強經(jīng)濟,例如使用蒸汽機。它在試圖鼓勵進口外國資本和專門知識方面發(fā)揮了直接作用。兩國都在17世紀確立了重商主義學(xué)說。Rich等人將重商主義的野心描述為“以犧牲其他州的利益為代價增加其州的財富”。本篇assignment指出這兩個國家在重商主義學(xué)說中都有類似的保護主義政策,如對進口征收關(guān)稅。然而,一個關(guān)鍵的區(qū)別是,法國對其工業(yè)生產(chǎn)的商品質(zhì)量有嚴格的監(jiān)管。英國重商主義的核心是1651年的《航海法》,目的是建立一支可供海軍用于戰(zhàn)爭的商船隊。
The shift of the economies’ labour and capital from agriculture to industry occurred much earlier in Britain compared to France. Despite this, through most of the 18th and 19th centuries, France was an industrial power second only to Britain. Britain had a natural transport advantage, due to a long narrow coastline and navigable rivers. French industrialisation was slow and characterised by a number of problems that ultimately delayed its industrialisation. Price (1975, p94) referring to Rostow’s growth theory suggests that “no single period can be described as that of “take-off” in France’s industrial development”. However Clapham (1968) argues that France experienced a “take-off” around the year 1895, when its steel production became the fastest growing in the world. It was at the same time that France’s railway network became larger than that of Britain. The introduction of railways in France, resurrected its lagging coal production and saw it expand rapidly towards the end of the 19th century. The role of both countries government during their industrial revolutions was quite different. Britain’s industrial revolution was driven mostly by entrepreneurs with some support from its government. The French government played a larger role in supporting the industrialisation of its nation, mostly through administrative action during and after the Napoleonic Wars.
本篇assignment總結(jié)到,與法國相比,英國的勞動力和資本從農(nóng)業(yè)向工業(yè)的轉(zhuǎn)移發(fā)生得更早。盡管如此,在18世紀和19世紀的大部分時間里,法國是僅次于英國的工業(yè)大國。由于擁有狹長的海岸線和可通航的河流,英國擁有天然的交通優(yōu)勢。法國的工業(yè)化進程緩慢,其特點是存在許多問題,最終推遲了工業(yè)化進程。Price引用了Rostow的增長理論,認為“在法國工業(yè)發(fā)展中,沒有一個時期可以被描述為‘起飛’”。然而,Clapham認為,法國在1895年左右經(jīng)歷了一次“起飛”,當時法國的鋼鐵產(chǎn)量成為世界上增長最快的國家。與此同時,法國的鐵路網(wǎng)比英國的鐵路網(wǎng)更大。法國鐵路的引入使其落后的煤炭生產(chǎn)得以恢復(fù),并在19世紀末迅速擴張。兩國政府在工業(yè)革命中的作用截然不同。英國的工業(yè)革命主要是由企業(yè)家推動的,并得到了政府的一些支持。法國政府在支持國家工業(yè)化方面發(fā)揮了更大的作用,主要是通過拿破侖戰(zhàn)爭期間和之后的行政行動。本站提供各國各專業(yè)assignment格式范文,assignment代寫以及assignment寫作輔導(dǎo),如有需要可咨詢本平臺。
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