本文是工商管理專業(yè)的留學生Essay范例,題目是“Critical Discussion of Regional Resources in Industry(產業(yè)中的區(qū)域資源批判性探討)”,Storper和Walker(1989)證明是“產業(yè)創(chuàng)造了區(qū)域資源,而不是反過來”。這種說法描述了工業(yè)、區(qū)域增長和發(fā)展的區(qū)位模式是資本主義工業(yè)化及其內在過程的產物,而不是資源的“自然”配置。本文旨在通過區(qū)域發(fā)展理論和集群形成的框架,批判性地討論這種說法。這將通過韋伯的區(qū)位理論及其在資源創(chuàng)造中的作用及其對區(qū)域發(fā)展的影響來探討。在開始支持上述聲明的討論之前,先探討英國的賽車運動谷集群及其在知識創(chuàng)造中的作用。這將在審查現實的一點上達到高潮,探索的想法,雖然區(qū)域資源創(chuàng)造(和區(qū)域發(fā)展)的過程最終是由工業(yè),區(qū)域或地方有促進它的作用。
1. Introduction (139 words): 介紹(139字):
Storper and Walker (1989) attest that it is 'industries that create regional resources and not the other way around'. Such statement depicts that locational patterns of industry, regional growth and development are the product of capitalist industrialisation and its intrinsic processes, rather than the 'natural' placement of resources. This essay aims to critically discuss such statement through the framework of Regional Development Theory and the formation of clusters. This will be explored through Weberian locational theory and its role in resource creation and its effects on regional development. Before moving to to a discussion advocating for the aforementioned statement, exploring the Motor Sport Valley cluster in England and its role in knowledge creation. Which will culminate in a point examining the reality, exploring the idea that whilst the process of regional resource creation (and regional development) is ultimately delivered by the industry, the region or place has a role in facilitating it.
2. Weberian Location theory韋伯式的區(qū)位論
A theory that contradicts Storper and Walker's statement, is Weberian Location theory. According to Weber (1969), regional resources dictate the location of industries, clusters and subsequent regional development. This is a result of three main factors. These factors are the cost of product transport, the cost of labour and potential agglomeration economies. Weber explores the factors influencing the locational distribution of industry though a least cost model which seemed fitting during a period where the dominant industries were locating close to energy sources, raw material sources and the transportation networks, such as docks, and major canal systems. Weber and Weberian locational theorists suggest that former industrial centres such as Manchester and Liverpool were partly conceived and developed due to the prior regional resources. Weber argued that manufacturing plants and industry were located where transport costs were minimised, suggesting that industries cluster around regional advantages, rather than industries producing regional resources. Transportation costs were shaped by two factors
有一個理論與斯托普和沃克的說法相矛盾,那就是韋伯的區(qū)位理論。韋伯(1969)認為,區(qū)域資源決定產業(yè)的區(qū)位、集群以及隨后的區(qū)域發(fā)展。這是由三個主要因素造成的。這些因素包括產品運輸成本、勞動力成本和潛在的聚集經濟。韋伯通過最小成本模型探索了影響產業(yè)區(qū)位分布的因素,在主導產業(yè)位于能源、原材料來源和運輸網絡(如碼頭和主要運河系統(tǒng))附近的時期,這一模型似乎是合適的。韋伯和韋伯學派的區(qū)位理論家認為,曼徹斯特和利物浦等前工業(yè)中心的構想和發(fā)展,在一定程度上得益于先前的區(qū)域資源。韋伯認為,制造工廠和工業(yè)都位于運輸成本最低的地方,這表明產業(yè)聚集在區(qū)域優(yōu)勢周圍,而不是產生區(qū)域資源的產業(yè)。運輸成本由兩個因素決定
- the weight of material to be shipped and the distance it was to travel, producing a locational triangle, which was fundamental in Weber's formation of the industrial location problem
Storper (1997) argues that this model functions on an unsubstantiated interface, removed from reality. This wrongly assumes that industry leaders and firms have an all encompassing knowledge and use that to act in a completely logical manner. Weber's theory, argues Storper (1997), ignores the inputs from an industry into a region, which are extremely powerful in the creation of regional resources and developing the region. Such inputs consist of the product and the process, as well as organisational innovation, which in turn generates a competitive advantage, dynamic economy, and high rates of accumulation. Not forgetting the sheer injection of capital. All of which ultimately create regional resources and development. That being said, industrial location is undeniably shaped by a trade-off between varying production costs, which has significant contemporary relevance, particularly in regards to the new international division of labour.
Storper(1997)認為這個模型是在一個脫離現實的未經證實的界面上運行的。這錯誤地假設行業(yè)領袖和公司擁有包羅萬象的知識,并利用這些知識以完全合乎邏輯的方式行事。Storper(1997)認為,韋伯的理論忽略了一個產業(yè)對一個地區(qū)的投入,而這種投入在創(chuàng)造區(qū)域資源和發(fā)展區(qū)域方面具有極其強大的作用。這些投入包括產品和過程,以及組織創(chuàng)新,這反過來產生了競爭優(yōu)勢、動態(tài)經濟和高積累率。不要忘記純粹的資本注入。所有這些最終創(chuàng)造了區(qū)域資源和發(fā)展。話雖如此,工業(yè)地點無疑是由不同生產成本之間的權衡決定的,這在當代具有重大意義,特別是在新的國際勞動分工方面。
3. Industries create regional resources.產業(yè)創(chuàng)造區(qū)域資源。
In contrast to Weber, Storper and Walker (1989) argue that 'industries create regional resources' which manifest in clusters. This argument suggests that the driving force of regional resource creation is not prior resource endowment and 'natural' advantageous properties in the location, but geographical industrialisation and the location of firms as a process of resource creation. Patterns of resource creation and regional development are produced by capitalist industrialisation and its endogenous activity, resulting in an economic clustering, rather than the exogenous location of resources. In sum, industries produce economic space and regional resources.
與韋伯相反,Storper和Walker(1989)認為“產業(yè)創(chuàng)造區(qū)域資源”,這體現在集群中。這一論點表明,區(qū)域資源創(chuàng)造的驅動力不是優(yōu)越的資源稟賦和區(qū)位上的“自然”優(yōu)勢屬性,而是作為資源創(chuàng)造過程的地理工業(yè)化和企業(yè)區(qū)位。資源創(chuàng)造和區(qū)域發(fā)展的模式是由資本主義工業(yè)化及其內生活動產生的,從而導致經濟集群,而不是資源的外生區(qū)位??傊?,產業(yè)產生經濟空間和區(qū)域資源。
Of course, locational factors are important, but they are insufficient in generating regional growth, particularly in an era in which competition is increasingly global. It is apparent that a region must posses economies of scale and scope for regional development and resource creation to accrue. Storper (1997) argues that these are derived from the 'Holy Trinity of technology-organisation-territory'. Highly localised clusters based on a niche of specific knowledge, skills and expertise form economies of scale. This concentration of advantages held by the actors located in specific regions creates an exploitable economy of scale. If these regions are able to utilise the benefits of learning and embed into the collaborative environment in these agglomeration, Economies of scope can exist and the 'spillover effect' can be reproduced. This will now be examined through the knowledge cluster of Motor Sport Valley, England.
當然,區(qū)位因素很重要,但它們不足以推動地區(qū)增長,尤其是在競爭日益全球化的時代。顯然,一個區(qū)域必須具有規(guī)模經濟和區(qū)域發(fā)展和資源創(chuàng)造的范圍。Storper(1997)認為,這些都源于“技術-組織-領域的三位一體”。以特定知識、技能和專業(yè)知識為基礎的高度本地化集群形成了規(guī)模經濟。位于特定地區(qū)的參與者所擁有的這種優(yōu)勢集中,創(chuàng)造了可開發(fā)的規(guī)模經濟。如果這些地區(qū)能夠利用學習的好處,并嵌入到這些集聚的協(xié)作環(huán)境中,范圍經濟就可以存在,“溢出效應”就可以重現。這將通過英國運動運動谷的知識集群進行檢驗。
The Motor Sport Valley cluster in the South of England, is a region that can be thought of not as a space within boundaries, but as a porous territory that benefits from a broad range of network connections (Amin 2002). Porter (1998) defines a cluster as a concentration of connected firms, specialising suppliers, service providers and institutions. There is a dynamic 'strategic coupling' of firms and regional assets, in the form of a knowledge economy. Motor Sport Valley is a region that has experienced an industry creating regional resources, through the formation of a knowledge-based cluster. There are many benefits to clustering, and the regional resource can take the form of untraded interdependencies. Here there is a dense agglomeration of motorsport activity which has created an economy of specialist knowledge which circulates between the firms that make up the cluster.
英格蘭南部的Motor Sport Valley集群是一個區(qū)域,它不是一個邊界內的空間,而是一個從廣泛的網絡連接中受益的多孔區(qū)域(Amin 2002)。Porter(1998)將集群定義為連接企業(yè)、專業(yè)供應商、服務提供商和機構的集中。以知識經濟的形式,企業(yè)和地區(qū)資產之間存在著一種動態(tài)的“戰(zhàn)略耦合”。汽車運動谷是一個經歷了產業(yè)創(chuàng)造區(qū)域資源,通過形成知識型集群的地區(qū)。集群有許多好處,區(qū)域資源可以以非貿易的相互依賴的形式存在。這里有一個賽車運動的密集聚集,它創(chuàng)造了一個專業(yè)知識經濟,在組成集群的公司之間流動。
The regional resource of knowledge is spread in 6 interacting ways (Pinch and Henry 1999). The first form of knowledge creation and distribution is the high levels of staff change. In this industry, staff such as engineers, designers, mechanics and drivers are often subject to various firm changes, moving around different Motor Sport companies. The persistent circulation of employees means that critical information about technology, methods, tactics and strategy is transferred and shared across the cluster. The second is shared suppliers. This acts as a regional resource through the linkages between the teams. Whilst they are contracted to silence, the numerous component and service suppliers still leak knowledge and information, adding to the clusters knowledge economy. The high number of firm births and deaths also creates an opportunity for staff to mix and diffuse knowledge, as they change employer. Informal collaboration is just one more industry created regional resource in the Motor Sport cluster. Whilst this is a competitive cluster, regulated working groups are in place. They are tightly regulated and necessitate interaction and involvement, with collective discussion, providing another mode of inter-firm knowledge transfer and regional resource. Informal industry gossip is just another regional resource created by the industries clustering. There is a lot of networking in the Valley, and this crosses firms and teams, often facilitating staff recruitment and advice as well as knowledge acquisition. The final knowledge transfer is observation on the trackside. When technology is tested on the track, imitation can occur.
It is clear that the decision for firms and the industry to cluster here has created regional resources, which are extremely valuable to the high-tech, design centred, Motor Sport Industry.
4. Is it both?是這兩個嗎?
It could be argued that Storper and Walker's 1989 argument is misleading, emphasising a complete reduction of the role of geography and distance. Suggesting that the hyper mobile nature of capital is leading to the complete deterritorialisation of production. This is not the case. It is vital to consider that whilst industries ultimately create regional resources, place remains fundamental, with every component of the production network being quite literally grounded. This grounding is both physical in terms of physical investments and less observable in terms of localised relationships and knowledge transfer. Globalisation presents a paradox. There is a continued significance of 'regions' in the establishment of sub-national regions of foci for economic activity, which suggests that while industries feed regional resources (in terms of growth) the regional resource must firstly exist, or in some capacity must be there for initiation.
有人可能會說,斯托珀和沃克在1989年提出的論點是誤導的,他們強調了地理和距離的作用的完全弱化。這表明,資本的超流動性特性正在導致生產的完全非領地化。但事實并非如此。重要的是要考慮到,雖然工業(yè)最終創(chuàng)造了區(qū)域資源,但位置仍然是基礎,生產網絡的每個組成部分都是實實在在地建立起來的。這種基礎既體現在有形投資方面,也體現在本地化關系和知識轉移方面。全球化提出了一個悖論?!皡^(qū)域”在經濟活動重點地方的建立中具有持續(xù)的重要意義,這表明當產業(yè)供給區(qū)域資源(就增長而言)時,區(qū)域資源必須首先存在,或者在某種程度上必須在那里啟動。
5. Conclusion:結論
This essay hopes to have critically discussed the statement that 'industries create regional resources and not the other way round'. This statement is mostly reflective of the truth.
本文希望批判性地討論“產業(yè)創(chuàng)造區(qū)域資源,而不是產業(yè)創(chuàng)造區(qū)域資源”的觀點。這句話大部分反映了事實。
It is true, industries are the key producer of regional resources. Inputs from an industry into a region are extremely powerful in the creation of regional resources and developing the region. Such inputs create the product, process and organisational innovation. It is the industry and its firms that create a competitive advantage, dynamic economy and high rates of accumulation, particularly in the 21st century manufacturing industry, as well as service and knowledge based industries. Industries cluster and it is in this locational process that regional resources are created. Their inputs are invaluable. Nonetheless, it is important to consider that place remains fundamental to the location of industries but it it is ultimately the industry that unleashes the potential of a region through regional resource creation.
的確,工業(yè)是區(qū)域資源的主要生產者。一個產業(yè)對一個地區(qū)的投入對于創(chuàng)造區(qū)域資源和發(fā)展該地區(qū)具有極其強大的作用。這些投入創(chuàng)造了產品、過程和組織創(chuàng)新。正是這個行業(yè)及其企業(yè)創(chuàng)造了競爭優(yōu)勢、充滿活力的經濟和高積累率,尤其是在21世紀的制造業(yè)以及服務和知識基礎行業(yè)。產業(yè)集群,區(qū)域資源正是在這一區(qū)位過程中產生的。他們的投入是無價的。盡管如此,重要的是要考慮到地方仍然是工業(yè)位置的基礎,但工業(yè)最終通過創(chuàng)造區(qū)域資源來釋放一個地區(qū)的潛力。
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