悉尼大學(xué) The University of Sydney：論述規(guī)劃在工作與生活平衡的工作的相關(guān)內(nèi)容

Working out the work in work-life balance
規(guī)劃在工作與生活平衡的工作

Generally, the work-life balance debate assumes that individuals have too much rather than too little work – a debilitating long working hours culture is said to be pervasive (IDS, 2000). In Italy the concern about working time features in Basso’s (2003) Modern Times , An cient Hours , in the US in Schor’s (1991) The Overw orked Ame rican and in the UK in Bunting’s (2004) Willing Slaves, in which it is claimed, playing on the book’s sub-title, work is not just ruling but ruining our lives. In France campaigns for reducing working time have rallied around the phrase “work less, live better” (cited in Fagnani and Letablier, 2004). Consequently, it is the – more or less explicit – premise that work is bad and to be contained, and throughout work-life balance debate and practice, working time is the stated point of intervention.
一般來說，工作與生活平衡的辯論假定個(gè)人有太多而不是太少的工作 - 一個(gè)衰弱的工作時(shí)間長，文化被說成是普遍的（IDS，2000年）。在意大利，關(guān)于工作時(shí)間的特點(diǎn)巴索（2003）現(xiàn)代時(shí)代，一個(gè)古小時(shí)，在美國肖爾（1991）的Overw orked阿梅菜和英國鹀（2004）愿意奴隸的關(guān)注，在它被稱，打在書的副標(biāo)題，工作不只是統(tǒng)治，但毀了我們的生活。在法國活動，減少工作時(shí)間的反彈左右的短語“工作少，生活得更好”（引在Fagnani Letablier，2004年）。因此，它是 - 明確或多或少 - 前提是工作是壞的，須載，并在整個(gè)工作與生活平衡的辯論和實(shí)踐，工作時(shí)間是既定的介入點(diǎn)。

That work can have a debilitating effect on life is not new. Although not framed as such, work-life balance featured in earlier debate about the hidden injuries of work and the effects of these injuries on workers’ lives. Studs Terkel’s (1972, p. xiii) influential US book Workin gstarts thus: “This book, being about work, is, by its very nature, about violence – to the spirit as well as to the body. ...The scars, psychic as well as physical, brought home to the supper table and the TV set, may have touched, malignantly, the soul of our society.” More recent, and similarly influential, analyses echo this theme. Australian Barbara Pocock (2003, p. 153), for example, picks up on the moodiness at home that results from working excessively long hours, the guilt that parents feel for not attending their children’s “significant events” at school and the fraying of community fabric as workers’ time to run local clubs disappears: “Grumpy people do not make great lovers, fathers, mothers, drivers, neighbours or golfers ” she states.
這項(xiàng)工作可以有一個(gè)衰弱的生活影響是不是新的。雖然沒有誣陷正因?yàn)槿绱?，工作與生活的平衡，精選早期辯論隱藏受傷的工作和這些受傷工人的生活的影響。Studs Terkel（1972年，第13）美國有影響力的書從而日夜不停gstarts：“這本書，是關(guān)于工作，是其本質(zhì)，關(guān)于暴力 - 的精神以及身體。 ...的疤痕，心理以及身體，帶回家的的夜宵表和電視機(jī)，可能會感動，惡性的靈魂，我們的社會。“更近，同樣影響力，分析呼應(yīng)這一主題。澳大利亞芭芭拉•波考克（2003年，第153頁），例如，拿起喜怒無常工作時(shí)間過長，負(fù)罪感，父母覺得在家里不參加自己孩子的“重要事件”，在學(xué)校和社區(qū)織物磨損工人的時(shí)間來運(yùn)行本地俱樂部消失：“脾氣暴躁的人不要讓偉大的情人，父親，母親，司機(jī)，鄰居或高爾夫球運(yùn)動員”，她說。#p#分頁標(biāo)題#e#

What are different now are the context and the solutions to these perceived problems. In the past, from the human relations school of the 1930s to the behavioural psychology interventions of the 1950s to the socio-technical systems of the 1970s, solutions to debilitating work were sought in job redesign and better management that aimed at “humanising” the workplace. Despite claims that work is not just ruling our lives but ruining our lives, workplace practices feature remarkably little in current work-life balance debate. Instead, the solution is said to be rolling back work in order to provide remedial opportunity for workers to recover from work.
現(xiàn)在有什么不同背景和解決存在的問題。在過去,從人際關(guān)系學(xué)校的1930年代的行為心理學(xué)干預(yù)1950年代社會技術(shù)系統(tǒng)的1970年代,解決工作中所獲得的衰弱工作再設(shè)計(jì)和更好的管理,旨在“人性化”的工作場所。盡管聲稱工作不僅僅是統(tǒng)治我們的生活但破壞我們的生活,工作場所的實(shí)踐特性非常小在電流平衡工作與生活的辯論。相反,這個(gè)解決方案是回滾工作為了提供補(bǔ)救的機(jī)會來恢復(fù)工作的工人。

However, a slight of hand occurs at this point because the most common policy prescription by government and practice offered by employers is not to shorten working hours but to provide employees with more flexibility in their working hours, for instance by part-time working or flexi-hours. Two indicative examples from two anonymised British supermarket chains are provided by Nickson et al.
然而,一個(gè)輕微的手此時(shí)出現(xiàn),因?yàn)橛烧岢鲎畛Ｒ姷恼咧甘竞陀晒椭魈峁┑膶?shí)踐不是縮短工時(shí)而為員工提供更靈活的工作時(shí)間,比如通過兼職工作或靈活性小時(shí)。來自兩個(gè)匿名的英國連鎖超市的兩個(gè)象征性例子是由Nickson et al提供(2004) 。

Employers have their own interest in flexible working hours (Wiseet al. in this issue; see also Schneider et al. 2006). Having to service a 24/7 economy, employers need to deviate from the 9 to 5 work day. Flexible working hours schemes are offered as work-life balance allowing employers to appear employee-friendly whilst meeting business needs. Other useful work-life balance provisions, such as cre` ches, are a more expensive option for employers and are less prevalent. In Schneider et al.’s (2006) research, 83 per cent of employers in German Rheinland-Pfalz offered flexible working hours and only 30 per cent other types of work-life balance provision. The perception of employer-employee win-win may well therefore be a one-sided gain. As Wise et al. note, the flexibility needs being met tend to be those of employers rather than employees.
雇主在靈活的工作時(shí)間內(nèi)有他們自己的興趣，（Wiseet人在這個(gè)問題上也看到Schneider等人，2006）。經(jīng)濟(jì)服務(wù)24/7，雇主需要脫離9至5個(gè)工作日。作為工作與生活的平衡，讓雇主出現(xiàn)員工友好的同時(shí)滿足業(yè)務(wù)需求提供靈活的工作時(shí)間計(jì)劃。其他有用的工作與生活平衡的規(guī)定，如創(chuàng)建`CHES，是一個(gè)為雇主和更昂貴的選擇是不太普遍。施耐德等人。“（2006年）的研究中，83％在德國萊茵蘭 - 普法爾茨州的雇主提供靈活的工作時(shí)間只有30％，其他類型的工作與生活的平衡提供。雇主與雇員雙贏的看法，因此很可能是一種片面的增益。 Wise等人。注意，需要得到滿足的往往是那些雇主而不是雇員的靈活性。#p#分頁標(biāo)題#e#
http://ukthesis.org/thesis_sample/guanlileizuoye

As the above examples also reveal, flexible working arrangements have a common theme – workers having caring responsibilities. The common premise is that work-life balance provisions are introduced to help employees reconcile what they want to do (care) with what they have to do (work). However, there is ambiguity here. Current public discourse aimed at the prime targets of work-life balance programmes (young working mothers) promotes, even idealises, work. In lifestyle magazines, TV drama and “Yummy Mummy” novels aimed at affluent, suburban 30-something females, work features as a place of intellectual expression and personal achievement as opposed to the loving but intellectually stultifying and socially under-appreciated
realm of school runs, grocery shopping and coffee mornings (see also Behr, 2007). Under these circumstances, work can represent escape and self-expression. Indeed, academic research has found that, for women, having more than two children leads to longer working hours “as a means of escaping family stress” (Cowling, 2005, p. 30) – a point also argued by Hochschild (1997). Even when work is experienced as stressful, workers may prefer it to home Trinca and Fox argue in Better than Sex; “running parallel with the exhaustion and long hours in the workplace there [is] a sense of excitement and purpose about work. It seem[s] that many people fe[el] real at work, where life [is] sometimes smoother than at home” (Trinca and Fox, 2004, p. 7).
正如上面的例子也顯示，靈活的工作安排有一個(gè)共同的主題 - 工人擁有關(guān)懷責(zé)任。共同的前提是，工作與生活的平衡規(guī)定，幫助員工調(diào)和他們想要做什么，與他們有什么做的（工作）（護(hù)理）。然而，存在模棱兩可。當(dāng)前的工作與生活平衡計(jì)劃（青年工作的母親）的首要目標(biāo)旨在促進(jìn)公共話語，甚至理想化，工作。在生活方式的雜志，電視劇和小說“漂亮媽媽”瞄準(zhǔn)富裕，郊區(qū)30出頭的女性，知識表達(dá)和個(gè)人成就，而不是作為一個(gè)地方的工作特點(diǎn)的愛，但智力愚鈍和社會贊賞學(xué)校的運(yùn)行，買菜和咖啡的早晨（見Behr，2007）的境界。在這種情況下，工作可以代表逃生和自我表達(dá)。事實(shí)上，學(xué)術(shù)研究已經(jīng)發(fā)現(xiàn)，對于女性而言，有兩個(gè)以上孩子會導(dǎo)致更長的工作時(shí)間“逃避家庭壓力的一種手段”（Cowling，2005年，第30頁） - 這一點(diǎn)也辯稱的Hochschild（1997）。即使工作經(jīng)歷的壓力，工人可能會更喜歡它首頁特林卡和?？怂拐J(rèn)為比性更好;“平行運(yùn)行的枯竭和長時(shí)間在工作場所，是對工作的興奮和目的感。 [S]，它似乎很多人FE[EL]真正的在工作，生活有時(shí)比在家里更順暢“（特林卡和?？怂梗?004年，第7頁）。

This experience raises a key point. Not only do work-life balance programmes pay little attention to deleterious work per se, they also ignore the possibility that work can be a source of satisfaction and self-fulfilment. As Isles (2004, p. 23) states, “work can make a major contribution – for somethe major contribution – to overall life satisfaction” (emphasis in the original). Two-thirds of both UK men (66 per cent) and women (68 per cent) are satisfied or very satisfied with their current job according to Introduction Isles, who even argues that around 8 per cent of the UK workforce or 2.4m workers prefer work to home, suffering “work-lust”.#p#分頁標(biāo)題#e#
這方面的經(jīng)驗(yàn)，提出了一個(gè)關(guān)鍵點(diǎn)。工作與生活平衡方案不僅不注意本身有害的工作，他們也忽略的來源可以是工作滿意度和自我實(shí)現(xiàn)的可能性。作為群島（2004年，第23頁）的狀態(tài)，“工作可以使一個(gè)重大貢獻(xiàn) - 為主要貢獻(xiàn)somethe - 整體生活滿意度”（重點(diǎn)為原文）。三分之二的兩個(gè)英國男人（66％）和女性（68％）表示滿意或非常滿意自己目前的工作介紹三島，他們甚至認(rèn)為，8％左右的英國勞動力或2.4米工人的喜歡離家工作，患“工作的欲望”。

Thus, premised on negative and reductionist assumptions about work, the work-life balance debate fails to capture more varied employee attitudes to and engagement with work. This can be counter-productive, for, as Moore points out in her contribution to this issue, whether work-life balance is achieved can depend more on employee work attitudes than on employer work-life balance provisions.
因此，消極和還原工作假設(shè)為前提，工作與生活平衡的辯論未能捕捉更多樣化的員工的態(tài)度和參與工作。這可能是適得其反，摩爾指出，在這個(gè)問題上她的貢獻(xiàn)，實(shí)現(xiàn)工作與生活的平衡是否可以更多地取決于員工的工作態(tài)度比雇主的工作與生活的平衡規(guī)定。